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Gender Centre
12 September 2024

Proud to be living as a “Westernized Daughter” in China

By Xinyang Sun

 

 

This article is part of the Gender, Sexuality, and Decolonization Resource Page blog.

Chou, Ying. “汉宫春晓 - Han Gong Chun Xiao.” National Palace Museum, 1540. National Palace Museum. Taipei City, Taiwan. https://theme.npm.edu.tw/selection/Article.aspx?sNo=04000980.

After the movie Everything Everywhere All at Once received Oscar recognition in 2023, the phrase “Daughter that lives a Westernized life (生活西化的女儿)” (created by China News[1], a state news agency under the Chinese Communist Party) went viral on Chinese social media. The phrase first referred to the lesbian character played by Stephanie Hsu; later, the portrayal of the character's Chinese nationality and her homosexual identity emerged from the movie screen, revealing the complexities and interrelation of these two identities. The indirect approach to addressing queerness and Western influences signifies a national commitment in promoting a heterosexual lifestyle. This is achieved by marginalizing, excluding, and erasing individuals whose sexual orientations do not align with the communist ideology. By doing so, the Communist Party can reinforce the preferred societal norms and values. The portrayal of a lesbian character challenges the reserved and conservative patriarchal states and Chinese families' denial of the fact that they are not heterosexual or, with a nationalist narrative, the daughters of a family and a country. The phrase highlights Chinese nationalism’s denial of homosexuality and its efforts to conceal lesbian identities.

However, the existence of homosexuality in China can be found in Chinese literature dating back to the Shang Dynasty (16-11 Century BC)[2], such as in Zuo Zhuan, where the term “Luan Feng (鸾凤)” would be used to indicate a romantic friendship between two male friends in gay literature. The presence of lesbianism in Chinese history is concluded as having “a long but usually hidden history, and comes to light only occasionally.”[3] Nonetheless, lesbians also found various ways to gather and identify others without directly referencing their sexuality. For example, at the end of the 19th century in Shanghai, there was a group that used lesbian sexual behavior known as “Mojingzi,” which directly translates to rubbing mirrors in Chinese, and named themselves “Mojing Dang.”[4] These suggest that before communist China, lesbians often gathered and existed among themselves in hidden or reserved ways.

Under traditional Confucian values, which emphasize family and societal harmony, homosexuality and acts are viewed as immoral and harmful as the desire to keep the family intact is ingrained into society, as Adamczyk writes [5]. Moreover, as the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) rose in power in a country that Confucian values have long guided, non-reproductive relationships continue to be suppressed in China as it does not benefit the state. Thus, since the post-Maoist period, phobia towards same-sex behaviors and marriage has remained intolerable and invisible. For example, homosexuality is punished because it is “believed to damage population growth and economic development,”[6] and China needs patriotic values for national success. The crackdown on homosexuality by the Chinese State was harsh during the Cultural Revolution, and homosexual acts were seen as a violation of the moral principles of Chinese Society [7]. Homosexuality is punished because it is believed to harm population growth and economic development. The government stresses the need for patriotic values to achieve national success. As Jing states, “It was only after 1949 that homosexual behavior was seriously punished in China and served as grounds for persecution during Chinese political upheavals between the 1950s and 1970s.”[8] There was an equivalent being drawn between homosexuality and the West, as the Confucian society denied it. 

The Chinese communist state often views Western influences negatively, considering them a threat to national integrity and traditional values. It can be seen through the anti-western sentiment in China and anything with a Western cultural influence as a threat, insult, or biased view to China’s stability and livelihood. Xu’s argument outlines the fear and feelings of the communist state, “the Chinese leaders understand that to incite patriotism without any opponents is impossible and that Chinese nationalism would not be sustained without an obvious rival [9].” Thus, in Beijing’s logic, as long as no signs of Westernization are shown, the nationalist image can be maintained. As a result, labeling something as "Western" is frequently used as an insult, implying that it is detrimental to Chinese society and values. This perception further compounds the stigmatization of homosexuality, associating it with undesirable Western ideologies.

Therefore, the nationalist rhetoric identifies homosexuality as a threat to national identity and social cohesion, reinforcing the notion that it is a foreign or Western concept. Consequently, the phrase “daughter that lives a Westernized life,” after gaining prominence, has been shortened to “Westernized daughter,” broadly categorizing homosexual women and becoming a more visible target for anti-western sentiment in mainland China. Implicit within its usage is a subtle commentary on the perceived clash between traditional values and Western influences; the syntax has been carefully chosen to target those who are queer and imply that their lifestyle is Westernized, which is also linked to openness, inclusiveness, and freedom of expression that is connected with the LGBTQ+ community. In addition, it can be seen through Janovicek’s writing arguing that often Western governments are the ones that possess legislation aimed at safeguarding the rights of queer individuals [10]. Hence, the CCP's stance contrasts with that of Western governments, suggesting that homosexuality is a foreign concept that could potentially endanger the Chinese nation. 

Furthermore, Xie and Peng’s study in 2013 found that 78.53% of Chinese respondents believed that “same-sex sexual behavior is always wrong”[11] and suggested that the attitudes towards homosexuality in mainland China are conservative and less tolerable. Additionally, the large percentage suggests that many people are unaware of the presence of homosexuality in mainland China, evident from the reasons given, with one of them being homosexuality clashes with the traditional Chinese culture of polygamy and heterosexualism. Therefore, when homosexuality is openly shown in Western cinema, the movie is not even allowed to be released in China due to its inclusion of homosexual content [12].Thus, homosexuality can be a shocking fact for many, as they fail to recognize the legitimacy and agency of LGBTQ+ people, some of which could be their children. 

The prohibition or censorship of explicit terms such as "homosexual" or "lesbian" on various social media platforms further complicates the challenge of visibility, relegating LGBTQ+ identities to the shadows of the public sphere [13].  Especially lesbians in Communist China find themselves negotiating a delicate balance between their identities and the prevailing nationalistic discourse. In this landscape fraught with tension and ambiguity, queer individuals, particularly lesbians, find themselves traversing a precarious path of self-discovery and self-affirmation. 

The concealment of the lesbian identity from China News is symbolic of the avoidance from the State; individuals often feel unsafe and experience a double marginalization from the government’s strangling policy and negative societal attitude [14]. In Cheng's study on lesbians’ lived experience in Mainland China, an interviewee states that 

“Lesbians suffer from oppression [caused by] sexual orientation and gender inequality. … [This is] double oppression. [We] aren’t only being ignored, but are also being stigmatized.”[15]
 

Therefore, when Chinese nationalism is confronted with queerness, the CCP reacts by muting their voices and demanding they return to their families. Stress and anger are often found among Chinese lesbians, and they often feel shame or isolated by society [16] Cheng argues, “Chinese lesbians are often annoyed by their dual roles of lesbian and mainstream daughter.”[17] Through linguistic reduction, the phrase has been narrowed to emphasize the "daughter" identity, representing the acceptable role of a Chinese woman in a society that prioritizes harmony and familism.

An unanticipated phenomenon within the population was the significant number of lesbian netizens who have adopted and are utilizing the phrase. “Westernized daughters” shares a similar trait as the word “Queer” at the beginning of the Western LGBTQ activist movements [18]. Both started as derogatory terms used by homophobes to portray and discriminate against groups of people because of their non-normative sexuality. By using the phrase, Chinese lesbians are making efforts to shift away from being marginalized and gain visibility online. Through its popularity and presence in cyberspace used by lesbian netizens and the acceptance of the social media platform of not censoring “Westernized lifestyle” and “Westernized daughter,” this phrasing offers a more acceptable way of coming out than for daughters and the younger generation to admit that they are lesbian or queer; given that Chinese parents with a traditional mindset would be more likely to accept Western values influence their children and adopt a Western lifestyle rather than directly indicating that they are living a queer lifestyle. 

By reclaiming a pejorative word in a society where sexuality and identity are suppressed, members of the community are rebelling against the expected life trajectory. As Rand argues, the act of using a disparaging word is a way to “assert loudly and forcefully their rights to safety and humanity” [19]. In this case, displaying that they are Westernized daughters simplifies living a non-traditional life. As Pacalon argues, “Self-narrative through websites and social networks is one of China's most widespread forms of activism ” [20]. The reclamation of the term "Westernized daughters'' and the open acceptance of their sexual identities, described as living a "Westernized lifestyle," indicates a desire among Chinese lesbians to assert their sexual autonomy. Resistance by Chinese lesbians can be supported by a study observing homosexual online communities on Weibo, a leading micro-blogging website and a popular social networking site used by the Chinese LGBTQ+ population [21]. On Weibo, LGBTQ+ members recognize and echo other users with the use of indirect phrases like “Westernized daughters,” and they can share and be open about their sexualities, connect and exchange social support, and form a community to resist homophobia. Jia argues Chinese cyberspace to be a “platform for queer desire to be expressed” [22] and serve as a supportive online community where they can trust each other and survive under CCP’s discrimination and censorship.  

Chinese lesbian’s existence on the internet is far from sufficient; an inclusive environment for the LGBTQ+ community in real life is crucial for acceptance and visibility, and the transition from online to offline is urgently needed. It can begin with the implementation of a more tolerant policy permitting the inclusion of homosexuals in film productions. Although many would continue to live in the closet, through mass media coverage and allowance of homosexual content, the queer community seeks to challenge prevailing norms and foster a more inclusive and equitable future. As they navigate the intersections between themselves and the nation, “Westernized daughters'' also stand as beacons of resilience, illuminating the path toward a more inclusive and affirming society for all.

About the author

Xinyang Sun (she/her) is an exchange student from Smith College's Junior Year Abroad Program in Geneva in 2024. She will receive her Bachelor's degree in Government and the Study of Women and Gender from Smith College in the spring of 2025. She was inspired to explore the complexity of sexuality and nationality through stories from people around her and her journey. She is interested in exploring the intersection of women of color, sexuality, and anti-colonial feminism. She hopes to contribute to promoting gender equality through systemic intervention and generate positive impacts to build a more inclusive and friendly world.

Footnotes

[1] Wang, Yani. “《瞬息全宇宙》:花哨形式与单一想象.” 中国新闻网, June 9, 2022. 

[2] Star, Shanghai. “History of Chinese Homosexuality.” Chinadaily, April 1, 2004. 

[3] Ruan, F.F., Bullough, V.L. Lesbianism in China. Arch Sex Behav 21, 217–226 (1992). 

[4] Ibid, Lesbianism in China., 219

[5] Adamczyk, Amy, and Yen-hsin Alice Cheng. “Explaining Attitudes about Homosexuality in Confucian and Non-Confucian Nations: Is There a ‘cultural’ Influence?”

[6] Zheng, Tiantian (2014) "Contesting Heteronormality: Recasting Same-sex Desire in China’s Past and Present," Wagadu: A Journal of Transnational Women's & Gender Studies: Vol. 12: Iss. 1, Article 2.

[7] Worth, H., Jun, J., McMillan, K., Chunyan, S., Xiaoxing, F., Yuping, Z., Zhao, R., Kelly-Hanku, A., Jia, C., & Youchun, Z. (2019). ‘There was no mercy at all’: Hooliganism, homosexuality and the opening-up of China. International Sociology, 34(1), 38-57.

[8] Wu, Jing. 2003. “From ‘Long Yang’ and ‘Dui Shi’ to Tongzhi: Homosexuality in China.” Journal of Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy 7 (1–2): 117–43.

[9] Xu, Guangqiu. “Chinese Anti-Western Nationalism, 2000-2010.” Asian Studies, no. 2 (September 25, 2012): 109–34. https://doi.org/10.4312/as.2012.-16.2.109-134.

[10] Tim McCaskell. Queer progress: From homophobia to homonationalism. Canadian Journal of History 53, no. 2 (2018): 331-332.

[11]Xie, Ying, and Minggang Peng. “Attitudes toward Homosexuality in China: Exploring the Effects of Religion, Modernizing Factors, and Traditional Culture.” Journal of Homosexuality 65, no. 13 (November 2, 2017): 1758–87.

[12] Gu, Ting. “Chinese Media Pundit Sparks Ridicule over Claim on Michelle Yeoh’s Oscar Glory.” Radio Free Asia, March 15, 2023.

[13]Shaw, Gareth, and Xiaoling Zhang. “Cyberspace and Gay Rights in a Digital China: Queer Documentary Filmmaking under State Censorship.” China Information 32, no. 2 (October 30, 2017): 270–92.

[14]Cheng, Fung Kei. “Dilemmas of Chinese Lesbian Youths in Contemporary Mainland China.” Sexuality & Culture 22, no. 1 (October 11, 2017): 190–208. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12119-017-9460-8.

[15] Ibid, "Dilemmas of Chinese Lesbian Youths in Contemporary Mainland China."  

[16] Chow, Pizza Ka-Yee, and Sheung-Tak Cheng. 2010. “Shame, Internalized Heterosexism, Lesbian Identity, and Coming out to Others: A Comparative Study of Lesbians in Mainland China and Hong Kong.” Journal of Counseling Psychology 57 (1): 92–104. .

[17] Ibid, "Dilemmas of Chinese Lesbian Youths in Contemporary Mainland China."

[18] Brontsema, Robin. “A Queer Revolution: Reconceptualizing the Debate over Linguistic Reclamation.” Colorado Research in Linguistics, June 17, 2004. 

[19]Rand, E.J. Reclaiming queer: Activist and academic rhetorics of resistance, January 2014. 

[20] Pacalon, Taïmé. “LGBT Cyber-Activism in China: Between Censorship and Freedom.” Translated by Manon Picot. Institut du Genre en Géopolitique, September 8, 2023. 

[21] Cui, Yichao, Naomi Yamashita, and Yi-Chieh Lee. “‘We Gather Together We Collaborate Together’: Exploring the Challenges and Strategies of Chinese Lesbian and Bisexual Women’s Online Communities on Weibo.” Proceedings of the ACM on Human-Computer Interaction 6, no. CSCW2 (November 7, 2022): 1–31.

[22]Jia, Samuel. “Queering China in Cyberspace: Desire, Resistance and Discipline in Imagining Chinese Modern Gayness.” Wesleyan University, April 5, 2019.