Your book analyses the cinematic representation of girls and women in the context of political conflicts. Why have you chosen this context specifically?
In Zimbabwe, I grew up watching development films such as Olley Maruma’s Consequences (1988), which is about a teenage girl who suffers the consequences of getting pregnant. These were pedagogically oriented documentaries and fiction films aimed at educating the African public to promote the social and economic development of the continent. As I watched more of these films, I became uncomfortable because, as an African woman, I was often positioned as the one who needed to be taught how to be or as needing help. I was often ‘a problem’. I then turned my attention to exploring representations of African women and girls in films about political conflicts, hoping this would be the place to find images of strong African women and girls since political conflicts in Africa often create opportunities for women to challenge gender norms. I knew of women such as Charwe Nyakasikana, Joice Mujuru, Winnie Madikizela Mandela and Queen Nzinga, who are heroes of some of Africa’s anti-colonial struggles. So, I hoped to discover representations of some powerful and complex women and girls that would offer a distinct shift from the persistent depiction of African women and girls as marginal or helpless victims in need of rescue.
An important aspect of your book is its exploration of the production process of films and especially of African films. Can you explain this choice?
Investigating the interests and power dynamics in the production and distribution processes of films about African women and girls is essential because the development of film in many parts of Africa is closely linked to patriarchal, colonial and neocolonial development agendas. For example, the production of development films in the 1990s in countries like Zimbabwe often involved the exploitation of local filmmakers for the benefit of externally imposed development agendas because local filmmakers usually had limited control over their films’ themes and representations. In terms of production practices and narrative content, the development films were similar to colonial films such as The Wives of Nendi (Peet, 1949), which focused on health and hygiene and was produced by the British through the Central African Film Unit. Because of the historical development of film in Africa, it is not enough for me to be satisfied that a film is directed by an African man or woman because their work is often influenced by local and international organisations that fund them. I view film production as a collaborative process characterised by power relations and involving contributions from, for example, funders, writers, editors and directors who have varying degrees of influence over narrative and representations.
Can you explain your decolonial feminist cultural method and especially how it is rooted in African feminism?
My decolonial feminist cultural method is rooted in African feminisms because it emphasises making sense of African women’s and girls’ experiences within specific African social, cultural and political contexts. The method combines cultural approaches, African feminisms and the contrapuntal method. The cultural approach facilitates paying attention to ideological influences within production and distribution contexts that shape representations. Said’s contrapuntal method adds a postcolonial analysis of narratives that encourages the reader or observer to pay attention to silences and omissions and be constantly aware of how power dynamics influence the privileging of certain narratives while other seemingly important details or stories are ignored. An African feminist perspective considers African women’s specific needs and goals as shaped by the realities of their societies. It is rooted within an African context and culture and considers racial struggles and colonial histories. Central to African feminisms are notions of solidarity, collective action, inclusiveness and female agency. Furthermore, African feminisms offer an analysis that is decolonial because they take on a more decisive transformative impetus aiming to dismantle oppressive gendered and colonial structures and ways of thinking embedded in the contemporary world systems of power. Combining the cultural approach, the African feminist approach and the contrapuntal method provides an analysis that moves away from the universalising tendencies of colonial and neocolonial knowledge about African women and girls’ experiences in political conflicts across social, cultural and political backgrounds and contexts.
Your book is divided into two parts: the first part analyses anticolonial conflicts and the second part focuses on postcolonial conflicts. Have you found differences in how women are typically represented in these two categories?
Due to increased awareness of the politics of representation and the impact of power dynamics on film and other media representations, there have been some shifts in how African women are represented. But, I found that such changes have not always succeeded in simultaneously challenging racial and gender stereotypes because patriarchal and neo-colonial systems of power remain dominant. These dominant systems of power are evident in the link between representations of African women’s and girls’ agency in political conflicts and how the wars are framed. In anti-colonial wars, which are deemed justified because Africans had to get rid of oppressive colonial rule, women and girls are often represented as heroes with strategic agency. That is, they understand the ultimate goals of the struggle and make conscious decisions to participate in fighting for their nation’s future. For instance, in Sarafina! (Roodt, 1992) Sarafina goes through a process of political conscientisation in apartheid South Africa, resulting in her joining the anti-apartheid struggle. Similarly, Florence in Flame (Sinclair, 1996) is represented as politically conscious, and the anti-colonial struggle she joins in Zimbabwe is justified by the need to overthrow colonial rule. However, these films often silence women’s and girls’ voices because the meanings of their experiences are subordinated to patriarchal ideals of nationalism. In films about postcolonial political conflicts, which are often deemed unjustified, women and girls become victims who are forced into political conflicts, usually by men or circumstances. These films often place a heavy emphasis on images of suffering at the expense of exploring women’s and girls’ complex experiences. Women and girls are then depicted as victims of violence in ways that often make “victim” synonymous with “lack of agency”. Their agency, when there, is often framed within anti-war discourses and not the nationalist values evident in films about anti-colonial wars. Less attention is paid to how women’s and girls’ actions and experiences are interpreted within their local communities. Thus, women’s and girls’ agency in films about African political conflicts are, to an extent, used to express moral judgements on the conflicts.
About the author
Norita Mdege has a PhD in film studies from the University of Cape Town, South Africa. Her research explores the representations of women politicians in Africa as a means to understand how such representations may impact their claims to political legitimacy. Her areas of interest include gender studies, women and girls in Africa, political conflict, African cinemas and cultural politics. She also has experience in making research videos and short documentaries. She was a Research Fellow at the Gender Centre until October 2023 where she led the research project "Women Politicians in Africa: War of Symbols and the Struggle for Political Legitimacy (WOMPOL-Africa)".